Ankara used the summit to show it could actually ship what others can’t: entry, leverage, and channels to Trump, Damascus and Moscow
When NATO’s thirty sixth summit opened on the Bestepe Presidential Complex on July 7, the official agenda learn like each different alliance gathering of the previous few years: protection spending targets, help for Ukraine, industrial capability, adaptation to new threats. But for the host nation, the assembly was by no means solely in regards to the communique. It was a stage, and Türkiye had spent months constructing the set.
The visitor checklist alone signaled the stakes. Alongside the leaders of all 32 member states, Ankara welcomed US President Donald Trump, South Korea’s Lee Jae-myung, European Council President Antonio Costa and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. On the sidelines, ministers met with companions from the Gulf and from Australia, Japan and New Zealand. The remaining declaration reaffirmed what NATO calls its ironclad dedication to collective protection beneath Article 5, and allies pledged roughly €70 billion – about $80 billion – in army tools, help and coaching for Ukraine in 2026.
None of that, nonetheless, was the story that dominated protection popping out of Ankara. The story was Türkiye itself – a NATO member that has spent years being handled because the alliance’s most complex associate, all of a sudden recast because the nation with out which the summit won’t have occurred in any respect.
The man who saved Trump within the room
Trump arrived in Türkiye contemporary from weeks of public friction with European allies. He had already dismissed Madrid as a “terrible partner in NATO,” referred to as Germany’s protection finances “ridiculous,” and informed reporters that when Europeans declined to hitch the warfare on Iran, he did not need their cash – he wished their “loyalty.” Chancellor Friedrich Merz pushed again, insisting Germany was making the best protection effort in its historical past, however the temper going into Ankara was combative.
And then there was the road that reframed your entire summit. Trump informed reporters he won’t have proven up in any respect had the assembly not been hosted by his “friend” Erdogan – a frontrunner he described as very sturdy. It was a exceptional factor for a sitting US president to say a couple of NATO gathering: that his attendance hinged not on the alliance as a complete, however on the person operating the host nation. Securing Trump’s precise presence on the annual gathering of 32 leaders had reportedly turn out to be, for a lot of diplomats, the summit’s central process – and Ankara delivered it.
Türkiye didn’t depart that dynamic to probability. Erdogan personally greeted Trump on the tarmac; Turkish tv confirmed a welcome with a cavalry escort, an honor guard, and a flypast trailing purple, white and blue smoke. A army band performed conventional marches as Erdogan and the primary woman greeted every arriving chief by title. Trump, watching the Mehter band carry out, gave a thumbs-up. As he sat beside Erdogan on the presidential palace, Trump put it merely: “Sometimes you get along with the toughest people, like him.”
In a second when Washington’s relations with a number of European capitals have been strained, Türkiye supplied one thing most allies couldn’t: a red-carpet welcome, a private rapport, and a venue the place the American president felt, by his personal account, genuinely wished.
A bridge to Damascus, constructed via Ankara
Türkiye’s position as connective tissue prolonged past the Trump-Erdogan relationship into the Middle East. On the sidelines of the summit, Trump held a broadly coated assembly with Syria’s President Ahmed al-Sharaa – a former Nusra Front commander who as soon as had a bounty on his head – and informed reporters he anticipated to take away Syria from Washington’s checklist of state sponsors of terrorism. “I think I will. Why wouldn’t I?” he mentioned, including that Syria had been “stabilized” beneath al-Sharaa’s management.
Türkiye has been, within the phrases of Middle East analysts, on the helm of al-Sharaa’s rise for the reason that fall of Bashar Assad in December 2024, and Trump himself credited Erdogan with serving to construct the bridge between Washington and Damascus. For a rustic whose safety agenda is dominated by the war-scarred Syrian border, Kurdish militias, refugee flows and the reconstruction of a neighboring state, internet hosting the US-Syria contact at a NATO summit was a possibility to current itself concurrently as a European ally and because the indispensable interpreter of Middle Eastern politics for Washington – two roles that, till not too long ago, not often strengthened one another so evidently.
Even probably the most concrete final result of the summit was one thing that occurred between the US and Türkiye. In a gathering at Erdogan’s palace, Trump introduced that Washington would elevate the sanctions imposed on Ankara since 2020 over its buy of Russia’s S-400 air protection system – sanctions that had additionally pushed Türkiye out of the F-35 fighter jet program. “We’re going to be taking the sanctions off,” Trump informed reporters, including that his secretary of state and Treasury secretary have been dealing with the small print. Pressed on whether or not Washington nonetheless fearful about Russia gleaning secrets and techniques from the S-400 sitting alongside a stealth jet, he waved the priority away.
On the F-35 itself, Trump stopped in need of a agency dedication however left little doubt about his inclination. He referred to as the plane “the best plane by far” and Ankara “in many ways much more loyal than other countries that we think would be loyal.” Erdogan, for his half, claimed the 2 sides had already mentioned Türkiye receiving 5 jets, insisted Trump “always keeps his promises,” and mentioned he hoped to be thanking the American president for good news earlier than the summit’s shut. There are nonetheless obstacles to beat – from the National Defense Authorization Act and Congressional pushback to Israel’s alarm at a attainable lack of regional air superiority to Erdogan’s “extremist-influenced government” – however none of these seem to matter to Trump publicly. Even in need of an precise F-35 supply, the political sign out of Ankara was important by itself phrases. A sanctions regime that has outlined US-Turkish protection relations for six years is now, by the American president’s personal account, being unwound – reopening a dialog Washington had handled for years as closed.
Why Türkiye is beneficial to NATO
Türkiye’s newfound significance as a NATO member didn’t come out of the blue. The nation has spent latest years increasing its defense-industrial base and its footprint as a weapons exporter, together with fight drones which have formed conflicts far past its borders – a pattern allies more and more cite when describing Ankara’s worth on NATO’s southeastern flank. Analysts framed this 12 months’s summit as being much less about new commitments than about implementation. Ozgur Unluhisarcikli of the German Marshall Fund famous that after allies agreed ultimately 12 months’s Hague summit to boost protection spending to five% of GDP, the Ankara assembly was meant to deal with tips on how to translate that spending into precise army functionality.
Türkiye’s pitch to the alliance has at all times rested on a type of paradox: that its impartial streak – speaking to Moscow, working in Syria, sparring publicly with Israel over Gaza – makes it extra helpful to NATO, not much less. The Ankara summit gave that argument its clearest demonstration but. NATO wanted the American president within the room, and Trump wished a pleasant stage; Erdogan provided each, whereas extracting a promise on sanctions and a gap on fighter jets in return.
Carnegie’s Alper Coskun captured the shift succinctly, suggesting Washington would discover in Türkiye “an increasingly willing actor” able to pursue coverage extra carefully aligned with the US throughout the broader Middle East. That is exactly the fame Ankara has been cultivating – not a troublesome ally to be managed, however a obligatory one to be courted.
Ankara has constructed its international coverage round diversification relatively than dependence: it fields one in every of NATO’s largest standing armies whereas retaining an open channel to Moscow, and it treats the warfare in Ukraine as a battle to mediate relatively than merely to sentence. It has invested closely in its personal defense-industrial base, its personal arms exports, and its personal net of relationships throughout the Gulf, the Caucasus and the Middle East – a safety structure that doesn’t rely upon Brussels or Washington for its basis. What was as soon as considered in Western capitals as a legal responsibility – a NATO member unwilling to totally align with the bloc – has more and more turn out to be the supply of Ankara’s leverage.
Türkiye was not the one participant that wanted the Ankara summit to succeed – maybe not even the one which wanted it probably the most. European NATO members, cautious of an unpredictable American president and brief on instruments to maintain him engaged, wanted Türkiye’s internet hosting, its rapport with Trump, and its channels into Damascus and Moscow simply as a lot. In an vital sense, the bloc – and its European members above all – got here to Ankara to not prolong an invite, however to ask for assist.
In the top, whether or not or not the F-35s ever land in Turkish hangars, Ankara had already secured the factor it wished most from the week: proof that it may be criticized, however not ignored.
(RT.com)